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The following eleven points included the formal agreements between Great Britain, France and Russia. The Anglo-French declaration was read in the protocol, and Pichon commented that it showed the selfless position of the two governments towards the Arabs and Lloyd George that it was “more important than all the old agreements”. [91] Pichon mentioned an agreement proposed on 15 February on the basis of the private agreement between Clemenceau and Lloyd George last December. [91] (According to Lieshout, Clemenceau presented Lloyd George, just before Faisal met at the conference of 6, a proposal that seems to cover the same subject; Lieshout, which issued on British materials related to the 6, while the date is not specified in the minutes. [92] The apologists of the 1916 Convention – nowadays it would be difficult to find serious defenders – claim that it is more confusion than conspiracy. The plan, devised by two otherwise rather sticky diplomats, Sir Mark Sykes for Great Britain and Fran├žois Georges-Picot for France, aimed to map a structure after the First World War for the territories of the Middle East of Turkey. As the conflict against Germany and its Turkish allies is still ongoing and the result is far from certain, they have drawn artificial lines in the sand, reflecting the interests of their countries rather than those of the inhabitants. In the Constantinople Agreement of 18 March 1915, after naval operations began in the run-up to the Gallipoli campaign, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Sazonov wrote to the French and British ambassadors to claim Constantinople and the Dardanelles. During a five-week series of diplomatic talks, the United Kingdom and France, although they made their own claims, agreed on greater influence in Iran in the case of the United Kingdom and on the annexation of Syria (including Palestine) and Cilicia for France. The demands of the United Kingdom and France were unanimous and all parties agreed to leave the exact management of the holy sites to a subsequent settlement. [18] Without the Russian revolutions of 1917, Constantinople and the Strait could have been given after the Allied victory over Russia. This agreement and the Sykes-Picot agreement were complementary, because France and Great Britain had to satisfy Russia first to conclude the partition of the Middle East.

[19] Numerous sources claim that Sykes-Picot came into conflict with the Hussein-McMahon correspondence of 1915-1916 and that the publication of the agreement in November 1917 led to the resignation of Sir Henry McMahon. [107] There were several differences, iraq being the most obvious in the British red territory, and less obvious, the idea that British and French advisers would have control of the area designated as an Arab state. Finally, while the correspondence did not mention Palestine, Haifa and Acre should be British and the brown territory (a reduced Palestine) should become internationalized. [108] Hussein`s letter of February 18, 1916, McMahon appealed for 50,000 pounds of gold, more weapons, ammunition and food, saying Feisal was waiting for “no less than 100,000 people” to arrive for the planned revolt and McMahon`s response of 10 March 1916 confirming British approval of the applications and concluding the ten letters from correspondents. In April and May, Sykes discussed the benefits of a meeting in which Picot and the Arabs participated to network each other`s wishes. At the same time, logistics have been dealt with in the context of the promised revolt, and there has been growing impatience with what Hussein should do.